Amfilohije's Monument Polarises Montenegro Ahead of Key Local Elections
A monument of a controversial Serbian Orthodox leader shakes the government
The political landscape in Montenegro is once again shaken by church developments, this time surrounding the erection of a monument to the controversial figure of the late Metropolitan Amfilohije.
The upcoming city assembly elections in Podgorica, scheduled for this Sunday (29 September), add to the complexities of the debate. Some observers say these local elections in Montenegro’s capital are everything but local and that the government’s quick decision to greenlight Amfilohije’s monument in Berane is to showcase support for the Serbian church and, in that way, profit electorally from the elections.
In other words, this is a test of loyalty to the Serbian church.
The controversial figure of the Serbian church leader in Montenegro, who died in 2020 due to Covid complications, has reinforced divisions in the Montenegrin society along national lines and the role of the Serbian Orthodox Church.
The Berane municipality (eastern part of Montenegro) had initially proposed the monument. The unfolding of the process that led to the government’s involvement in the matter is extraordinary, as it showcases the accumulation of power in the Serbian church in Montenegro.
Initially, the Montenegrin Minister of Culture, Tamara Vujović, rejected the proposal, stating that, according to the relevant legislation, monuments to persons cannot be erected at least twenty years after their death.
The Serbian Orthodox Church in Montenegro quickly criticised Vujović’s decision, which did not stand long, and the Minister had to backtrack.
In a statement to the media, the SOC claimed that with the negative decision, the “Ministry of Culture and the media do not recognise Metropolitan Amfilohije as a respected figure in the more recent history of Montenegro.” It also criticised the “bureaucratic red tape” affecting the outcome.
In trying to justify her U-turn, the Minister explained that according to the specific legislation, there is an exception to the 20-year rule that allows these requirements to be lifted for “exceptional persons” before the prescribed period with a government decision. Essentially, Vujović passed the hot potato to the whole government to deal with.
“Metropolitan Amfilohije is an exceptional person for Montenegro and one of the highest authorities theologians in the entire Orthodox world,” the Minister stated.
As the figure of Amfilohije is still divisive, the issue was quickly elevated to the highest political level. Montenegro’s President Jakov Milatović backed the initiative, saying that “he respected him” and that he is an “important figure in our recent history.”
The issue electrified the political atmosphere in the country, with accusations of politicisation. Nikola Zirojević, a member of Parliament from the Social Democrats, asked for the original expert commission analysis of the Ministry of Culture, where the request for the monument was originally rejected.
When the issue came to be discussed at a government meeting, the representatives of the minority groups in Montenegro left the meeting due to the polarising effect the work of Amfilohije had in Montenegro. Representatives of the Bosniak and Albanian parties had disagreed with the initiative.
“Due to, to put it mildly, controversial statements that Amfilohije had about Muslims and other religious and ethnic communities in Montenegro, erecting a memorial will not contribute to multi-religious and multi-ethnic harmony in Berane and Montenegro”, was said by the Bosniak party.
The move by the Bosniak party has instigated a response by Milan Knežević, a pro-Serbian member of Parliament and close ally to the Serbian Orthodox Church and Russia, who posted on Twitter a provocative statement:
“What should we say then when the madrasa in Tuzi carries the name of Mehmed II, also known as The Conqueror, whose army occupied this region, committed a genocide, turned churches into mosques, killed Christians…” Or has all of that been done for the sake of the multiethnic character and the future of the EU integrations?”
Reactions supporting the initiative came from the Montenegrin Parliament speaker Andrija Mandić, who told the media that he was “surprised” by the adverse reactions to Amfilohije’s monument. He revealed that discussions were held with the current leader of the Serbian church in Montenegro, Metropolitan Joanikije, as well as Knežević, a year ago about several monuments of Amfilohije made in the Serbian city of Smederevo ready to be delivered in various locations.
One of these monuments was planned to be delivered to the Serbian Orthodox Church in Montenegro as a donation, according to Mandić.
Metropolitan Amfilohije, the former leader of the Serbian Orthodox Church in Montenegro, has been a divisive figure in Montenegro and across the Balkans.
He was one of the central figures of the SOC during the wars in the region in the 1990s. His track record during this period was of particular concern. For example, at the beginning of the 1990s, there were instances where Met. Amfilohije welcomed a wartime criminal Arkan (Željko Ražnatović) into his monastery in Cetinje alongside members of the paramilitary units (Tigers) he commanded during the wars.
In April 1992 Amfilohije openly supported the endeavour to unify “all Serbian lands,” which primarily affected Montenegro but also parts of Bosnia and Croatia.
Met. Amfilohije can be considered one of the most influential bishops of the Serbian church. As such, he was in a position to greatly influence the SOC's policies in general. He was seen as a strong contender for the position of the SOC primate after Patriarch Pavle passed away in 2009.
He vehemently opposed Montenegrin sovereignty ideals and worked to keep the country close to Serbian orbit. He negated Montenegrin national distinctiveness and was the key person who ultimately removed Europe’s longest-serving leader, Milo Đukanović, from power after nearly 30 years of rule.
Amfilohijie organised the lity (litije) protests across Montenegro in 2019 against the government’s proposed law on religious freedom which the SOC claimed it targeted the property of the Serbian Orthodox Church. The massive demonstrations brought to power a new pro-Serbian political elite, which cemented the position of the Serbian Orthodox Church in Montenegro by scrapping the law and offering the Serbian church preferential treatment. That way, the much smaller, unrecognised Montenegrin Orthodox Church has remained at the margins of Montenegrin society.
Amfilohije’s controversial appearances have deeply polarised Montenegrin society. His appearances helped strengthen the narrative of the Montenegrins' “Serbian roots.” Some examples include calling the Montenegrin nation artificial, a product of Communist rule, and Tito’s bastards. In 2017, he compared Montenegrins with livestock.
Montenegrin analyst Ljubomir Filipović commented that with the government approval of the monument, “the state put on church clothes and denied itself. It desecularized itself by spitting on its own constitution, but also on Christ’s teachings, because Christ consciously separated God from the emperor.”
Thanks for reading and subscribing.
If you have any topic suggestions you'd like me to explore further or feedback on this publication, please don't hesitate to reach out. I'd love to hear from you!
You can always buy me a coffee or a pint (it is Friday).
Andreja
